Economics, Media and Crisis – Interview with Julien Mercille

Julien Mercille has recently published his book on the media treatment of the Irish economic crisis (a short review can be found here). His research has exposed much of the biases in the coverage of economics and political policy in the  Irish media sphere including the overarching neo-liberal ideology that has acted to support elite classes throughout the crisis. Julien has kindly agreed to answer some brief questions on his research for critical media review.

JM

Can you briefly explain the nature of your research?

I seek to understand the role of the media in Ireland and elsewhere in covering current affairs, in particular, the ongoing economic crisis. Specifically, I study the nature of media coverage and the reasons why certain topics get covered and others not, and why certain ideas are prominent and others less so. There are many ways that have been used to understand the media, but in my opinion, political economy is the most important one.

What were your key findings?

I found that during the economic crisis, the ideas and viewpoints presented by the media closely reflected those of economic and political elites. This is because of the corporate nature of the Irish media (and mainstream media in general). The media are entities owned by corporate interests and so the viewpoints they present reflect those interests. There are always exceptions, of course, but by and large that’s an accurate description of the coverage we have seen over the last few years, during the housing bubble, bank guarantee, EU-IMF bailout, austerity, etc.

 Has Irish journalism failed in its so called ‘watchdog’ role?

Yes it has, for reasons seen above. There is of course a lot of criticism of government policy in the Irish media, but this criticism is overwhelmingly minor or tactical, in that it doesn’t often challenge the main principles of policy. For example, the media has been overwhelmingly in favour of austerity, and the debate in the national media became how best to implement it, as opposed to saying what should have been said, that it does not work to revive economies in a downturn.

Where do you place the Irish media system in terms of structure, do you see it as a point of democratic communication between politics, business and citizens (however imperfect), as an ideological apparatus, that is serving the interests of its owners and their wider class interests, or something else?

The media serves the interests of its owners and the corporate class of which they are part. They serve an ideological function in presenting government policy and interests in a positive light. All along the economic crisis, the media consistently endorsed and supported virtually all government policies (the major ones, at least), confining debate to details and losing sight of the big picture.

book cover

Do you think the severe concentration of media ownership in Ireland plays a role in this?

Yes, to some extent. A lot of the media is owned by Independent News and Media, for example. But an issue that’s probably more important to me is the nature of media entities. As of now, they’re all corporate or state-owned with significant commercial interests (RTE), so even if you had more of those, it would be better, but not that much. What’s missing is a diverse media in the sense of more alternative, strong media outlets. That would provide significantly more diverse coverage, alternative viewpoints, etc.

What about RTE, has the public media been any better at covering the crisis?

No, it’s the same thing. It’s owned by the government, so it’s no surprise that it reflects government views. For example, during the housing bubble years, RTE’s Prime Time show, the leading current affairs programme, ran about 700 shows. Only 1% of its shows addressed the housing bubble, let along criticizing it.

Do you see any room or agency for progressives working in the Irish media sphere?

Yes, there are many actually, but there number will be limited as long as the structure of the media landscape remains as it is. Vincent Browne, Gene Kerrigan, Colette Browne, Fintan O’Toole and others give good progressive viewpoints.

 If the media is so heavily biased towards neo-liberal economic policy can it play any progressive role in Irish society and democracy?

It plays a role as it is now, but it could play a much more meaningful role if it was restructured along the lines mentioned above, i.e. by encouraging alternative media outlets that reflect to a greater extent the interests of the population as a whole.

Do new online media channels offer any hope for you?

I don’t think online media improves or worsens the potential for better news, it’s just another medium. There are a lot of good websites and blogs obviously, but there are also a lot of mainstream news websites that actually dominate the internet.

What is your advice to political activists in terms of relating to the media?

On one hand I’d say try to present your message in a way that’s “respectable” so as not to worsen an already difficult situation in reaching out to the media and getting covered. On the other hand I’d say that it’s not good to change your message and actions too much just so that the media will be more likely to give you coverage, it’s better to do what you think is best for whatever project you have, and not think too much about “convincing” the media to give you coverage, otherwise it can often lead to hitting walls and waste of time and going in the wrong direction. So a balance has to be struck and that depends on context and the specific case at hand.

What’s next for Julien Mercille?

I’m now writing a book on the Irish economy post-crash, which should be out in mid-2015. It will pick up some of the themes found in the media book but focus on political economy and power in Ireland. It will conceptualize Ireland as a neoliberal state and will show that for a variety of topics, such as the health care system, natural resources, welfare, taxation, austerity, etc.

The Elephant In The Room: Report on UK media ownership

Reblogged from Media Reform Coalition (UK) originally posted April 2014

The report considers the changing landscape of media ownership across national, regional and local press, as well as radio, TV and internet news sources. Although the state of the UK’s media has been under close examination since the start of the Leveson Inquiry in 2011, media ownership has somehow managed to escape from scrutiny. It is the elephant in the room: obvious to all but never discussed.

‘The Elephant In The Room’ charts some worrying trends that signal the increasing concentration of UK media into fewer and fewer hands. We view media plurality as crucial for a healthy democracy, and vital for ensuring the public has access to a wide range of news and views from independent providers.

The statistics gathered about the spread of local media are worrisome – 1/4 of all Local Government Areas (LGAs) aren’t served by a local newspaper, while 35% are covered by only a single local news outlet. Since March 2011, a total of 141 local papers have shut down, and now in 224 LGAs (55% of total) the same 4 companies have majority ownership of the local market.

The ownership of national newspapers remains concentrated in just a few large companies: 70% of the UK national market is controlled by just three companies (News UK, Daily Mail and General Trust, and Trinity Mirror), with Rupert Murdoch’s News UK fully holding a third of the entire market share.

55% of national radio listenership is held by the BBC’s channels, however news content for almost all commercial radio stations is provided by Sky News, giving them 43% of the national audience share for radio.

The collapse of the BSkyB deal in 2011, following the revelations of the phone hacking scandal, was a small victory for plurality in the UK. However, when viewed in context of the huge cross-media operation of News Corporation, the figures give no reason for celebration or complacency.

News Corp. still holds 39% in BSkyB, effectively counting as joint-leadership between the two companies. Along with its print and radio news outlets, News Corp. controls 20% of the market share across all UK media outlets, almost twice that of the public service news services provided by the BBC.

The report demonstrates that concentration in ownership across the UK’s news and information markets has reached endemic levels. The existing Public Interest Test (which sees regulators and government taking occasional looks at media plurality) has failed to prevent the continued concentration of UK media into fewer and fewer hands.

Along with wider structural remedies to protect local and regional media the report recommends that ownership limits should be enshrined in statute, to ensure that the public is always served by a pluralistic and independent media.

Full report can be downloaded here

Media, Markets and Crisis – Towards a Crisis Theory of Communication

The mass media, advertising and ICT play an increasingly important role in both market systems and capitalist crises. This role directly impinges on the dissemination of information to market actors as well as the reflexive and dialectical nature of the processes by which actors respond to market information. Further, the media serve as an ideological apparatus, resource or arena which acts to naturalise the market through what this research describes as a market orientated framing mechanism (Preston and Silke 2011).

crisis21

Thompson (2003) contends that communication is an integral and reflexive part of the contemporary market system. As he puts it, there is a complex relationship between the producers and distributors of economic information, and those who use that information to make decisions about investment and trade. Many recent studies point to the convergence of flows of information such as those on 24 hour news channels, business channels and internet blogs and sites with market activity itself. For Hope, (2010) information broadcast on such media by bankers, stockbrokers and traders themselves tends to be self-serving and inevitably leads to ‘a real time feedback loop that proliferates then contributes to the growth and collapse of speculative bubbles’ (Ibid p. 665). Finally, we must note how the mass media also play a pervasive and important role in the commodification process through advertising and indeed comprises a part of the circulation of capital itself (Garnham 1979, Fuchs 2009). This research reflects the Marxist concept of base and superstructure, beyond a perceived notion of economic determinism, but rather as a dialectical relationship between various superstructures, in this case the state and the media, and the economic base including the various aspects of class power inherent within.

Since the onset of the ‘great recession’ there have been key debates around various aspects of crisis theory, most notably around the areas of the rate of profit (Brenner 2009, Kliman 2012), under-consumption/overproduction (Clarke 1990) and fiancialisation (Duménil and Lévy 2004). This research maintains that communications and the media are a key though non-deterministic element of the contemporary market system and proposes a move towards a crisis theory of communications.This paper explores theoretical aspects of the evolving role of the media with respect to deep and prolonged financial and economic crises, especially the ‘Great Western’ crisis since 2008.

As empirical reference point and by way of case study, the paper considers three key moments in the Irish economic crisis and their treatment by sections of the mainstream press media: The Irish property market in the run up to the 2007 general election on the cusp of the Irish crash, the blanket bank guarantee of 2008, where the state effectively guaranteed the debts of the entire Irish banking system in its totality, and finally the introduction of the National Asset Management Agency, a state sponsored bad bank aimed at cleaning up the (then) private banking industry. The paper uses these examples to consider the role of the media and its relationship to both the markets and political policy.

A crisis theory of communications, looking at dialectical relationships between economic structures, trends and crises and media content.

Henry Silke 2014

This is an abstract for a paper to be presented at ECREA 2014, Lisbon Portugal

 Bibliography

Brenner, R.  2009.  “What is Good for Goldman Sachs is Good for America: The origins of the Current Crisis,”  Prologue to the Spanish Translation of Economics of Global Turbulence, Akal.    IN: Economics of Global Turbulence.  Madrid: Akal,

Clarke, S. 1990. The marxist theory of overaccumulation and crisis. Science & Society, 54(4), pp.442-467.

Duménil, G. and Lévy, D. 2004. Capital resurgent: roots of the neoliberal revolution. Cambridge: Harvard University Press.

Fuchs, C. 2009a. Grounding critical communication studies. Journal of Communication Inquiry,

Fuchs, C. 2009b. Some theoretical foundations of critical media studies: Reflections on karl marx and the media. International Journal of Communication, 3pp.369-402.

Garnham, N. 1979. Contributions to a political economy of mass communication. Media, Culture & Society, 1(2), pp.122-146.

Hope, W. 2010. Time, communication and financial collapse. International Journal of Communication, (4), pp.649-669.

Kliman, A. 2012. The failure of capitalist production: underlying causes of the Great Recession. London: Pluto Press.

Preston, P. and Silke, H. 2011. Market ‘realities': De-coding neoliberal ideology and media discourses. Australian Journal of Communications,

Thompson, P.A. 2003. Making the world go round? communication, information and global trajectories of finance capital. Southern Review, 36(3),

Shifting the Discourse of the Housing Debate

Originally posted on Ireland after NAMA:

Amongst everything else that went array during the boom years in Ireland was the lack of any significant critical media analysis of the property sector and related fields. As has been documented by Julien Mercille, the majority of commentary during this time gave further fuel to the unsustainable model then being pursued. This was supplemented by newspaper property sections festooned with glossy adverts for the latest in lifestyle possibilities. It should therefore be seen as a positive step that one of the key differences between now and then is that the level of discussion and debate has moved on somewhat. For example, with particular reference to Dublin, we have had a significant amount of discussion within various media outlets as to whether or not we are witnessing another bubble. Such discussion is something that should be welcomed.

However, for all the positives within this discourse, the debate continues…

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The Imperatives of The Housing Market

Originally posted on Cunning Hired Knaves:

HOMES A range of 1, 2 and 3 lives dedicated to paying them off

HOMES
A range of 1, 2 and 3 lives dedicated to paying them off

I had a look this morning at a report from the Economic and Social Research Institute, the independent body that gets paid by the government to do research. The report is titled ‘Bubble, Bubble Toil and Trouble? An Assessment of the Current State of the Irish Housing Market’. (‘With apologies to Mr. William Shakespeare.’ O teh lulz)

I was drawn to the report via a headline in the Irish Times concerning the report ‘ESRI says house prices 27% below real value’. According to the headline, price isn’t an indicator of true value. The true value here, mind you, isn’t the object’s use value as opposed to its exchange value; it’s just the value that the object ought to have if things were different. And things ought to be different, not because I want them to…

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Israel isn’t losing the media war — Medium

This is a must read for media watchers. Media bite explores the treatment of the attack on Gaza in light of the voice allowed to victims by social media. The article while tracing changes in coverage due to social media and other issues reminds us of how the social weight of mainstream media framing continues to wield immense power.

https://medium.com/@media_bite/israel-isnt-losing-the-media-war-1e82a4fd56e5